Beijing’s first official response to overcapacity criticism doesn’t just reject the claims. It defends China’s manufacturing dominance as the natural result of global economic history, not a policy problem, Mary Gallagher writes.
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The Iran war was a rare opportunity for the Gulf Cooperation Council to deepen cooperation. Instead, it threw the bloc’s internal divisions into sharper relief, leaving its future relevance in question.
Four years after being extradited to the U.S. on drug trafficking charges, former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández is home again after a pardon from Donald Trump—and is already rebuilding his old political machine, WPR columnist James Bosworth (@bloggingsbyboz.bsky.social) writes.
President Trump’s new civilian nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia could pave the way for the kingdom to build its own bomb. The agreement, Adam Gallagher argues, is a symptom of the pathologies that have shaped U.S. Middle East policy for decades.
For the first time, China’s government has directly answered years of criticism over industrial overcapacity. The response is a defense, not an admission, Mary Gallagher writes.
The Gulf Cooperation Council has long been held together by fear of a shared threat rather than by institutional integration. The Iran war exposed how thin that unity really is, revealing an alliance in name more than in practice, Jonathan Fenton-Harvey writes.
Honduran President Nasry Asfura needs the political network built by his predecessor and fellow National Party leader Juan Orlando Hernández to govern. He also cannot afford to be seen embracing a man convicted of taking cartel bribes and accused of stealing an election.
When Iran retaliated against its Gulf neighbors during the war with the U.S. and Israel, it handed the Gulf Cooperation Council a rare chance to unite. Instead, the bloc chose the opposite path, exposing divisions that are only set to harden, Jonathan Fenton-Harvey writes.
Juan Orlando Hernández's return to Honduran politics after a U.S. pardon sets up a collision course with President Nasry Asfura, whose governing coalition depends on the very networks Hernández built.
The spread of Chinese AI models with built-in censorship mechanisms could quietly shape the global information environment for the worse.
A great power orders; it isn’t ordered. By that standard, @profpaulpoast.bsky.social argues, Britain doesn’t qualify anymore.
Some argue Chinese AI models’ political bias can simply be retrained away since they’re open-weight. But even a stripped-down version of DeepSeek kept repeating Beijing’s line on Taiwan and Xinjiang in its Chinese-language answers.
From Ukraine to the Middle East, Britain keeps showing up but rarely leading. That’s not what a great power looks like, @profpaulpoast.bsky.social writes.
North Korea built its nuclear arsenal in secret and has kept its dictatorship intact for decades. Iran built more openly and has endured economic collapse and military strikes. The contrast, @fridaghitis.bsky.social writes, is shaping how other regimes weigh the risks of going nuclear.
Critics argue the Cockroach Janta Party focused too narrowly on ousting a single minister rather than pushing for the deeper institutional reforms needed to outlast a single news cycle. Its future as a political force in India may hinge on which argument wins out.
Britain still styles itself a great power. But columnist @profpaulpoast.bsky.social argues that title no longer fits—London isn’t setting the agenda in any of today’s major security crises. Read more here:
Chinese AI models don’t just censor sensitive topics, they subtly reshape how people understand events like Taiwan and the war in Ukraine, Yaqiu Wang (@yaqiu.bsky.social) writes. As these models spread worldwide, that could quietly reshape the global information environment.
The Iran war and uncertainty over the U.S.-Saudi nuclear deal are prompting other regimes to reassess the risks and rewards of pursuing nuclear weapons, @fridaghitis.bsky.social writes.
Lagos records show delivery-related traffic collisions crashes climbing year over year, part of a broader surge as delivery apps expand rapidly across one of the world’s most dangerous cities for drivers. Damilola Ayeni reports for WPR from Lagos: