A long time ago, I used to know a lot about foreign-imposed regime change (FIRC) and study them. I guess that makes me qualified to write a thread about them, especially in wake of Trump bombing Iran. So here goes nothing. 🧵
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Great thread! Thank you for publishing it. Malcolm Nance has 40 years' experience in the region. He agrees with your assessment. #Iran youtu.be/aAxQQgb0B6o?...
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It's a good work of poli sci, but one must consider the particulars. Robert's analysis is not aimed at foreign air intervention in civil wars, where US aerial bombing was decisive in Kosovo and Libya quite recently. Iran is rather unstable. acleddata.com/report/axis-...
The thread as a shareable webpage: https://skywriter.blue/@dataandpolitics.net/3mfwzlua7yc2z
Zooming out is important. Foreign-imposed regime changes (FIRCs) are seen as a product of the Cold War, but they aren't. Alex Downes catalogued 120 cases from 1816-2008 in his book. Countries have always tried replacing leaders to get what they want. amazon.com/dp/1501761145 3/
So why FIRC? The logic is cold: intervening states believe the current leader won't serve their interests. So they install someone who they think will. But the imposed leader immediately faces a structural trap because they have TWO constituencies. 5/ belfercenter.org/publication/...
Many neoconservatives genuinely beieved spreading democracy — even if by force — would yield stable democratic socieities. Iraq in 2003 put this conviction to the test. Not only did Iraq fail spectacularly, the underlying premise misread the evidence. almendron.com/tribuna/wp-c... 10/
almendron.comAcadeics began studying this failure and realized that the WWII FIRCs didn't create democracies from thin air. They restored democracies. Successful democratization requires prior democratic institutions, economic development, and total military defeat. 11/ www.jstor.org/stable/24480...
Reevaluating Foreign-Imposed Regime Change on JSTOR William G. Nomikos, Alexander B. Downes, Jonathan Monten, Reevaluating Foreign-Imposed Regime Change, International Security, Vol. 38, No. 3 (WINTER 2013/14), pp. 184-195www.jstor.orgJ